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Mauritania's security forces guilty of routine torture

Tue, 02 Dec 2008 17:50:21 +0000

The Mauritanian government is guilty of routine and systematic torture, according to a new Amnesty International report.

Mauritania: torture at the heart of the state says that the country's security forces have adopted torture as the preferred method of investigation and repression.

The report details the methods of torture and lists the exact locations of some torture centres.
It also exposes the involvement of Moroccan agents.

Numerous statements from victims of torture give precise information about the people who tortured them. None of the acts have been investigated or their perpetrators brought to justice.

The report is the result of two Amnesty International research missions in February/March 2008 and July 2008. Members of the missions interviewed many prisoners and detainees in the prisons of Dar Naïm in Nouakchott (the capital) and Nouadhibou (in the north-west of the country) and former detainees.

"Torture is used against all categories of prisoners in Mauritania – whether they are suspected Islamists, soldiers accused of involvement in a coup, or those detained for simple ordinary crimes," said Gaëtan Mootoo, Amnesty International's Mauritania researcher who conducted the investigations and who just came back from the country.

Acts of torture are repeated successively until detainees "confess". They are normally conducted at night and accompanied by a "ritual". Methods of torture include cigarette burns, electric shocks, sexual violence, the pulling out of hair and "Jaguar" – where the detainee's hands and feet are tied together and the person is suspended from an iron bar while being hit and tortured.

The perpetrators of these acts of torture and ill-treatment include police officers, military personnel and prison officers. Moroccan security officers have sometimes participated in interrogations and torture, especially in investigations into acts of terrorism.

Places where torture has been carried out include: the first police brigade (opposite the World Health Organization building), the police school in Nouakchott, gendarmerie barracks, the headquarters of the Army Chief of Staff, and Navy premises.

The presence of Moroccan agents in Mauritania was also questioned by the report. Amnesty International has been unable to ascertain the legal basis for their presence. One prisoner told the organization that the Moroccans were more violent than their Mauritanian colleagues.

Prison conditions themselves also often amount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment.

Amnesty International representatives visiting the Dar Naïm prison earlier this year were greeted with the unbelievable spectacle of dozens of men pressed up against each other in one cell in the stifling heat. They are unable to leave their cells or breathe fresh air, often for months or even years at a time.

"In some prisons, we could not even get into the cells due to the excessive number of inmates," said Gaëtan Mootoo. "The stench of these cells, which were infested with vermin and ridden with fleas, was indescribable."

Threats were made to prisoners prior to one Amnesty International visit. One prisoner said: "When they told us about Amnesty International's visit, the guards threatened us. They said that we could say whatever we liked, but that we would regret it, because the Amnesty people would be leaving, but we prisoners would be staying there with them."

Police, prosecutors, judges – nearly always regard evidence extracted under torture as perfectly admissible and use these "confessions" to convict defendants – often without having any other material proof.

"Torturers can carry out their abuse safe in the knowledge that the judicial system will turn a blind eye," said Gaëtan Mootoo. "It is an abomination of justice."

The systematic use of torture is the heritage of decades of authoritarianism in Mauritania. The country has suffered two military coups since 2005. The most recent one, in August 2008, resulted in the detention of the democratically elected president and the prime minister. The president remains under house arrest while the prime minister has been transferred to a prison near Nouakchott.

The new military government said it would organize free and transparent elections "within the shortest time possible". Elections have yet to be scheduled.

The African Union has suspended Mauritania's membership and a number of states, including France and the US, have frozen their non-humanitarian aid to the country.

Several peaceful demonstrations have taken place in Mauritania demanding the release of the president and a restoration of constitutional order. Several were forcibly broken up in October 2008. The repression followed the 30 September decision by the governor of Nouakchott to suspend "all demonstrations of a political nature in public places, until further notice."

Don’t turn your back on girls - Sexual violence in Haiti

Wed, 26 Nov 2008 15:12:16 +0000

Sexual violence against girls in Haiti is widespread and pervasive and, although already at shocking levels, is said to be on the increase. While information on the true levels remains scarce, there is much evidence of sexual violence both in the family and within the wider community, particularly by armed gangs.

Public security and the legacy of sexual violence
Against a backdrop of kidnappings, criminal violence and gang warfare, violence against women and girls in the community has soared. One trend is the prevalence of rapes involving groups of armed men.

For the three years that followed the military coup in 1991 when President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was ousted, rape was used as a political weapon to instil fear and punish those who were believed to have supported the democratic government. During this time, there were widespread reports of armed men raping women.

Since the fall of the military regime, this has become a common practice among criminal gangs. In run up to Haiti’s annual carnival in February last year, 50 cases of rape were reported in just three days in the capital against women and girls in the capital Port-au-Prince.

Violence in the family is also prevalent and often hidden. Children often lack the resources and support they need to report violence in which family members participate or collude. The result of the failure to acknowledge and address this problem is a social climate in which violence in the family is seen as normal and inevitable.

Poverty in Haiti is extreme and plays a major role in putting girls at greater risk of sexual violence. Girls are bribed to remain silent by perpetrators, who are able to give them money to pay their schools or accommodation fees. Others who go in search of a public place with lighting by which to do their homework because their home has no electricity are attacked by groups of men.

Girls who become pregnant as a result of sexual violence find themselves at risk due to the lack of adequate healthcare. Only one in every four births in Haiti is assisted by qualified health personnel and large numbers of women and girls are dying as a result of pregnancy related complications.

The consequences of sexual violence on girls are profound and lasting. In addition to immediate physical injuries, survivors may have to face unwanted pregnancy; sexually transmitted diseases; and mental health problems such as post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and depression.

These consequences can have particularly series long term effects on girls, who are at higher risk of dying during childbirth or pregnancy and may also find their education disrupted, or find themselves excluded from school due to pregnancy.

One girl who raped when she was eight years old said: “I was going to school, but I left after I came here [to a shelter] because my father raped me. I was in the first year. I loved copying the lessons, writing. When I grow up I would like to be a doctor.”

Barriers to justice
Girls are often unwilling to report cases of rape, largely due to shame, fear, and social attitudes that tolerate male violence. Another major disincentive to reporting is the lack of confidence that girls will experience a positive and supportive response from law enforcement officials.

In some rural areas, the sole representative of the justice system is the justice of the peace. It is not uncommon for the justice of the peace to encourage girls who have faced violence accept an "amicable settlement" with the family of the perpetrator.

The justice system in Haiti is weak and ineffectual. The Police unit in charge of protecting minors is woefully under-staffed. In March 2008, the unit had 12 officers to cover the entire country and not a single vehicle. It is not surprising that so many of those who attack girls are never brought to justice, and so many girls feel there is no purpose in reporting crimes of sexual violence.

The authorities in Haiti have taken steps in recent years to address the problem of violence against women and girls. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs was established in 1994 and has been involved in important initiatives to address the problem.

In 1995, a National Plan of Action to Combat Violence Against Women was adopted. If implemented, this could bring about significant improvements in prevention and punishment.

The Haitian authorities face major challenges posed by the ongoing public security crisis, a succession of humanitarian disasters, and high levels of poverty and marginalization. These important concerns cannot be allowed to drown out the needs of Haitian girls.

Amnesty International is calling on the Haitian authorities to take immediate action to safeguard the rights of girls:

Collect comprehensive data on the nature and extent of violence against women and girls. The lack of data currently stands in the way of devising effective solutions;
Investigate and prosecute all complaints of sexual violence;
Ensure that police provide a safe environment for girls to report sexual violence, and ensure that all complaints are promptly and effectively investigated.

Counting the civilian cost of the Georgia-Russia conflict

Tue, 18 Nov 2008 10:54:43 +0000

The five-day war between Georgia and the Russian Federation has had serious and lasting consequences for the civilian population caught in the crossfire.

A new Amnesty International report, Civilians in the line of fire: The Georgia-Russia conflict, says that over 20,000 ethnic Georgians are still unable to return to their homes in South Ossetia, while many of those, on both sides of the conflict, who have gone back have found their homes pillaged or destroyed..

Published 100 days after the conflict, the report is based on several research missions to the main areas of the conflict carried out as early as August and as late as October 2008. It says that all parties failed to take necessary measures to protect civilians from the hostilities of 7-13 August.

Evidence gathered for the report also strongly suggests that serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed by all parties, both during the course of the conflict and in its aftermath.

Villages and residential areas in towns were bombed and shelled, and some civilians reported being bombed while fleeing their villages.

The overall number of civilian deaths outnumbered that of combatants and, in communities across the conflict divide, homes, hospitals, schools and other mainstays of civilian life were damaged or destroyed.

Extensive pillaging and arson by militia groups loyal to South Ossetia wrought large-scale destruction to several Georgian-majority settlements on territory controlled by Russian armed forces at the time.

Cluster bombs were fired on and near inhabited areas by both Georgia and Russia, resulting in numerous civilian casualties and the contamination of large areas of land with unexploded ordnance. They continue to present risk as civilians return home after the conflict.

The conflict displaced nearly 200,000 people at its peak and leaves a legacy of long-term displacement. The security situation along the de facto border dividing South Ossetia from the rest of Georgia remains extremely tense, meaning that tens of thousands are unable to return home in the foreseeable future.

"A new twilight zone has been created along the de facto border between South Ossetia and the rest of Georgia, into which people stray at their peril," said Nicola Duckworth, Europe and Central Asia Programme Director at Amnesty International. "Looting, shooting, explosions and abductions have all been reported in the last few weeks."

The Georgians and the Russians have accused each other of war crimes for their conduct during the conflict. As the war recedes, Amnesty international is calling for the parties to the conflict to investigate all allegations thoroughly, impartially, and to bring those responsible to justice.

Given the evidence of serious violations of international law by all parties to the conflict, Amnesty International also calls on all parties to agree to an enquiry by the International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission (IHFFC) and to report publicly on its findings.

"International monitors must be allowed to go to all places and all sides need to intensify their efforts to guarantee the safe return of displaced people without discrimination," said Nicola Duckworth, "There can be no reconciliation, and no lasting peace, without truth and accountability."

Amnesty International is further calling on all parties to take the necessary measures to guarantee the security of all persons in the conflict-affected areas and ensure conditions allowing displaced persons to return in safety and dignity.

Ugandan government must establish reparations programme for war victims

Mon, 17 Nov 2008 11:19:47 +0000

During northern Uganda's 20-year conflict between the Government of Uganda's (GoU) armed forces and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), widespread human rights abuses were committed by both sides.

Amnesty International documented the LRA's abduction of thousands of children and adults, unlawful killing of thousands of civilians, the rape of thousands of women and beatings of men, women and children during the 1986-2006 conflict.

The organization also documented human rights violations committed by the government's Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (UPDF). These included unlawful killings, rape and beatings of civilians. There was general impunity for soldiers who committed human rights violations against civilians.

The government of northern Uganda should establish an effective reparations programme for those victims of the conflict, according to a new Amnesty International report.

Left to their own devices examines the continued suffering of the victims of the hostilities and makes recommendations to the government on how to deal with the aftermath of the human rights violations that took place there.

Also documented as one of the most enduring effects of the conflict on civilians was, and remains, the massive displacement of about 1.8 million people from their homes into internally displaced persons' (IDPs) camps in which living conditions were often dire for IDPs in relation to shelter, hygiene, health and nutrition.

An Amnesty International delegation visited the northern Uganda districts of Gulu, Amuru, Kitgum, Pader and Lira in August 2008 and interviewed hundreds of victims of human rights violations suffered during the conflict. Amnesty International delegates also met with government officials and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) including victims' groups.

Victims expressed the urgent need for the government to put in place an action plan, in consultation with them, to provide reparations, which addresses their current suffering. Victims and survivors of human rights violations committed during the conflict include victims of sexual and gender-based violence, formerly abducted youth and adults, survivors of killings and torture and those who still don't know where their loved ones are. They still bear the scars of these violations, many years after they were committed. Little has been done to ensure that victims and survivors have access to full and effective reparations that address their continued suffering and help them to rebuild their lives.

The government's Peace Recovery and Development Plan (PRDP) for northern Uganda, launched in September 2007, while proposing government policy on post-conflict recovery and development, does not establish a program which addresses the reparation needs of victims.

In addition, the two Agreements signed between the GoU and the LRA (on Accountability and Reconciliation; and Disarmament Demobilization and Reintegration) under the auspices of the peace process attempt to lay a framework for reparations but contain significant flaws.

These Agreements do not ensure that the proposed framework for reparation will be informed by wide consultation with victims and survivors. Even with the PRDP and the two Agreements, it is not clear if, when, and what type of reparations will be granted to victims and survivors.

Amnesty International is calling on the government of Uganda to establish an effective reparations program which is victim focused, comprehensive, consultative with victims and the civil society and properly resourced. Such a program should provide for the five recognized forms of reparations: restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition.

The organization says that the program should deal with immediate challenges resulting from the conflict, including educational challenges/needs for children and youth; urgent medical treatment; medical psycho-social support and counselling on trauma and psychological effects of those affected by the conflict (including female victims); improved livelihoods to victims and survivors and an urgent inquiry into the whereabouts and fate of persons abducted by the LRA.

Amnesty International is also making recommendations to the international community, including the United Nations and key donors and the civil society to lobby for, support and participate in the establishment of a reparations program for victims and survivors of human rights violations committed during the conflict.

There’s no pride in silence: domestic and sexual violence against women in Armenia

Tue, 11 Nov 2008 09:51:23 +0000

National surveys suggest that more than a quarter of women in Armenia have faced physical violence at the hands of husbands or other family members. Many of these women have little choice but to remain in abusive situations as reporting violence is strongly stigmatized in Armenian society.

Violence in the family takes many forms, ranging from isolation and the withholding of economic necessities, to physical and sexual violence, and even murder, yet women have few options to escape situations in which they are at risk.

Violence in the family is not defined in law separately from other kinds of violence involving strangers, and abused women face powerful pressures not to report violence to the police. Strong family bonds are an integral aspect of Armenian culture and women who report violence are seen as threatening the family and are pressured to keep domestic violence a private “family matter”.

The social stigma associated with separation or divorce is worse than that associated with domestic violence. The pressure not to report rape is even more powerful and rape victims commonly encounter the attitude that they are to blame.

Women who try to report violence in the family often experience social isolation, as friends, relatives and neighbours reject them. This culture of preserving silence on violence extends to the police force.

Women often experience reluctance on the part of the police to get involved, and in some cases the police endorse the view that domestic violence is a "family matter".

Since 2002, a handful of shelters have been operating despite facing widespread criticism for their part in making domestic violence a public issue. These shelters, which are run by non-governmental organizations, are reliant on intermittent funding, and most of them have been forced to close or reduce their operations in recent years due to lack of funds.

While shelters are not a catch-all solution, they fulfil a crucial role in providing women who face violence with an initial, short-term step out of their situation. Establishing a network of shelters must be a key element in government strategies to address the issue of violence against women in Armenia.

The fact that some state officials now acknowledge that violence against women actually exists both signifies progress, but also the fact that there is a long way to go. Some positive steps have been taken towards addressing violence against women:

A draft law criminalizing domestic violence is currently under discussion.
Police training programmes have been initiated to implement guidelines for police responsibilities in responding to domestic violence.

Amnesty International is calling on the Armenian authorities to clearly and forcefully condemn violence against women. They must also take other urgent steps to change wider social attitudes to domestic and sexual violence. These should include, though not be restricted to, the following:

Criminalizing domestic violence, facilitating its prevention and providing support to its victims and survivors;
Ensuring that victims of domestic and sexual violence have access to the criminal justice system without facing pressure to withdraw their complaints;
Raising awareness of family violence as a crime and a human rights violation.

Millions at risk in Somalia as attacks on aid workers escalate

Thu, 06 Nov 2008 12:15:56 +0000

An escalation of attacks on aid workers and human rights defenders in southern and central Somalia is putting at least 3 million Somalis at even greater risk of malnutrition and disease. Many organizations have suspended programmes and withdrawn staff.

At least 40 humanitarian and human rights workers have been killed so far this year, as highlighted in Fatal Insecurity: Attacks on Aid Workers and HRDs in Somalia, a new report by Amnesty International.

This is at a time when Somalia is in the middle of a humanitarian emergency, with the UN estimating that around 3.25 million Somalis – 43 percent of the population – will require food aid until the end of 2008.

The restrictions on the freedom of humanitarian agencies to deliver emergency humanitarian services – food, shelter and essential medical services – form one of the leading factors contributing to widespread malnutrition and death from starvation or preventable diseases throughout the area.

One humanitarian worker said: "We are not able to start new programmes because our staff can't go in. There is acute malnutrition in Mogadishu, but we're not able to respond quickly enough, we have to work by remote control, and quality suffers."

"These killings, abductions and threats mean that workers and rights defenders no longer enjoy the limited protection they previously held, based on their status in the community as impartial distributors of food and emergency services, or as advocates of peace and human rights," said David Copeman, Amnesty International's Somalia Campaigner.

Many Mogadishu-based human rights defenders and other civil society members have this year been forced to flee Somalia for the first time since the end of the government of former President Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991.

Attacks continue, with UN staff killed by bombing attacks on 29 October, the targeted killing of an UNICEF engineer in the central town of Hudur on 19 October and a women's rights activist killed in Guriel on 25 October.

Where the identity of the attackers is known, the majority of killings have been attributed to members of armed opposition groups, including al-Shabab militias, and the various Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS)-affiliated militias (often also called Islamic Courts).

The remaining killings were attributed to criminal gangs, or in a smaller number of cases, to militias associated with the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) or to the Ethiopian military. Most recent killings have been carried out by one or more gunmen, almost always described as between 15 and 25 years old. Threats are issued by phone, in leaflets and by word of mouth.

Amnesty International is calling on all parties to the conflict in Somalia to stop these illegal attacks on humanitarian workers and civil society.

"International leaders must establish a mechanism, such as an International Commission of Inquiry, to investigate these killings, kidnappings and beatings and bring those responsible to justice," said David Copeman.

"Donor governments and the UN must also increase their efforts to ensure a transparent and clearly demonstrated distinction between apolitical emergency humanitarian relief, and any political or development activities assisting TFG or the peace process."

Zimbabwe's victims of violence can no longer wait for political solution

Fri, 31 Oct 2008 12:58:34 +0000

Amnesty International today released a report and new video footage that graphically demonstrates the ongoing suffering of the Zimbabwean people, as the three main political parties in Zimbabwe struggle to form an inclusive government.

“Every day that passes without a political solution, the living conditions for ordinary Zimbabweans become more and more desperate,” said Simeon Mawanza, Amnesty International’s Zimbabwe expert, speaking from Johannesburg.

The Amnesty International report, Zimbabwe – Time for Accountability, examines the impact of the post-election violence on the victims and makes recommendations to all parties participating in the current political talks on how to break the cycle of impunity that has plagued the country for decades.

“We are worried that human rights have not been at the centre of the negotiation process. The negotiations should be about providing justice and relief to people – not just politics. The Zimbabwean people are now living on a knife-edge and cannot afford to wait for the political bickering to end.”

“While the parties continue to negotiate on political details, the most vulnerable Zimbabweans are at further risk of extreme hunger. Many Zimbabweans are now only surviving by eating wild fruit.”

Amnesty International warned that with the rainy season coming, tens of thousands of Zimbabwean farmers who were victims of the recent wave of state-sponsored human rights violations are facing another failed agricultural season.

“The international community – particularly Southern African leaders – must not stand by and watch the Zimbabwean people slip deeper and deeper into poverty and despair while their political leaders squabble.”

“The setting up of an inclusive government is a great opportunity to tackle Zimbabwe’s long-standing legacy of impunity for human rights violations and build a new culture of human rights respect,” said Simeon Mawanza.

Most of the victims of political violence from rural areas were subsistence farmers who were managing to feed their families. Their arms and legs were broken from beatings and torture and they are unable to till their lands during the upcoming farming season – leaving them dependent on food aid, possibly for the rest of their lives.

“If we think the food situation in Zimbabwe is bad now, just wait until the end of this year, when half of the population is likely to need aid,” said Simeon Mawanza.

Lyn, an 86-year-old farmer, was supporting her family with food grown in her fields. She was assaulted in July for not attending ZANU-PF meetings. Her back was injured and her arm broken by ”war veterans”. She told Amnesty International, “I am now disabled. I can’t work in the field. I want to be compensated for the injuries. I want [my attackers] to be brought to justice.”

No one has been held accountable for the gross human rights violations – including beatings and torture – that occurred in the context of the elections, despite the fact that the attackers are identifiable.

The vast majority of victims interviewed by Amnesty International said that they could name and their attackers – most of whom were in the security forces, “war veterans” or local ZANU-PF activists. The fact that perpetrators did not even attempt to conceal their identities shows the level of confidence they had that they would never be held to account for their crimes.

The violations that took place after the March elections were state-sponsored and the perpetrators are known. Many were in the security forces and made no attempt to conceal their identity. Often they were using government vehicles.

“Since 2000, the ZANU-PF government has ignored evidence of human rights violations, thereby exempting perpetrators from any form of accountability – and allowing them to believe they can continue with their actions. Breaking this cycle of violations must be a top priority for the new government once it is in place,” said Simeon Mawanza.

“The rights of victims to an effective remedy must be recognised – their right to compensation, knowing the truth, and satisfaction derived from seeing the perpetrators being brought to justice – thereby sending a message that the new Zimbabwe will not tolerate political differences to be ‘resolved’ through beatings or torture.”

Isolated and abused: women migrant domestic workers in Jordan

Thu, 30 Oct 2008 10:04:44 +0000

Tens of thousands of women migrant domestic workers in Jordan face isolation, exploitation and abuse, with little or no protection from the state.

Migrant domestic workers are crucial to the economy in Jordan, contributing to the well-being of the households where they work and providing vital incomes for their own families and communities. Many face exploitation and abuse, working up to 19 hours per day. Wages are meagre, and some do not receive payment until years later.

Jordan has some 40,000 registered women migrant domestic workers. Many come from South and South-East Asia, mostly from Indonesia, the Philippines and Sri Lanka.

Many workers report being violently treated at the hands of members of their employer’s household; they say they are slapped, kicked, beaten, spat at and threatened with violence in the homes in which they work. Several have fallen to their deaths in recent years in circumstances recorded as accidents but which remain inadequately investigated and explained. Around 10 domestic workers are believed to commit suicide every year.

Many women migrant domestic workers are also routinely beaten by representatives of recruitment agencies shortly after their arrival in Jordan, apparently to frighten them and discourage them from running away or from making complaints about their employers.

Although new safeguards were introduced in 2003 in the form of a special contract for migrant domestic workers, they appear to have had little impact in practice.
Until this summer, the Labour Law in Jordan excluded domestic workers from the protection offered to other workers, such as minimum wage provisions, sick leave or days off. Amendments to the Law were endorsed by the Jordanian parliament in July to state that a separate regulation would be issued to define the terms of their working conditions. Although this is a step forward, more needs to be done to ensure that the rights of women migrant domestic workers are protected in line with international human rights standards.

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The human cost of armed conflict in the Philippines

Wed, 22 Oct 2008 16:17:24 +0000

Amnesty International travelled to Mindanao in August 2008, to gather first hand information about the recent escalation of hostilities in the southern Philippines.

The findings are reflected in today's report, Shattered Peace in Mindanao: The Human Cost of Conflict in the Philippines, which documents the stories of the men, women and children affected by the recent upsurge in violence in the 40-year conflict.

An Amnesty International researcher, who went to Mindanao in August, recalls the thoughts, feelings and experiences of some civilian survivors of the conflict. A conflict that has killed an estimated 120,000 people, and displaced a further two million over the last four decades:

A few days after his relatives were gunned down by Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) fighters, Crispin (not his real name) decided to take his remaining family from their village to a safe place. Hiding with relatives, he continues to live in fear.

Crispin, a farmer, is one of over 600,000 civilians recently affected by the armed conflict in Mindanao, an island twice the size of the Netherlands. In a building in North Cotabato province, he told us how he and his family were attacked by MILF fighters:

"It was early morning. I was harvesting corn with my father-in-law, while my mother in-law and brother-in-law were in their house, which was close to the corn fields where we were. I did not notice MILF (fighters) arrive. Suddenly, I heard someone calling me. I looked up and I saw a group of armed men, more than 20, not too far from where we were.

One of them asked me to come to them, quickly. I did not come. I was afraid. Their guns were aimed at me. When the man repeated his call, I panicked and ran. Then, they started shooting at us. I ran and ran, and saw my father in-law shot. I saw him buckle and fall. I ran and got onto my motorcycle. I went straight home to find my wife. I was afraid the armed men would follow me and if they find me and my family, they might kill us."

As we talked to Crispin, we could hear distant sporadic gunshots from what may have been another skirmish. Police auxiliaries and a military detachment were close by. Farther down the unpaved road, deeper into the village, members of civilian volunteer organizations (CVOs), many of them armed, patrolled the village in an effort to protect it from further attacks.

For information from other conflict-affected areas, Amnesty International sought the help of local contacts including humanitarian workers and human rights activists. One humanitarian worker described his experience in a neighbourhood attacked by the MILF:

"This morning we saw dead bodies of a three-year-old and her father lying… by the road side, unclaimed. Houses were burned and two school buildings were razed to the ground. We interviewed people including those who were used as human shield yesterday afternoon…. Last night we interviewed a 12-year-old girl. She narrated how her father was shot by the MILF. Her father was carrying her three-year-old sister who also died in front of her."

Amnesty International also received reports from local contacts about soldiers and other members of the security forces committing human rights violations with impunity. Initial findings of a trip by more than 40 local organizations report:

"In the town of Piagapo, Lanao del Sur, cases of murder, destruction and burning of houses, farm equipment, Masjid, Madrasa School and looting of farm animals were confirmed to have been perpetrated by the military. The residents also claimed that their villages were occupied and used as camps of the military and that their food stocks such as rice grains, were either eaten, destroyed or burned. There was even a case of a 13-year-old boy who was killed and was thrown in a toilet hole (unused septic tank)."

In one of the evacuation centres that Amnesty visited, the mother of a seven-year-old child handed us a letter she had written for the Philippine president. She said she wasn't sure if people really understood what they have been going through in this on-and-off war that has lasted for more than 40 years. She wrote:

"We know that you are not so blind or deaf that you do not see or hear the violence in this war…. So many of us have died…. As a victim in this war, I am deeply saddened not only for my family, not only for my neighbours who remain with us in this evacuation centre, but also for government soldiers and MILF fighters who have died because of this war. I am ashamed that we have resorted to killing each other in this place."

A 63-year-old woman in an evacuation centre in Pikit town North Cotabato, told Amnesty International:

"I had not even gotten married yet when this conflict began. I was still a young lady when we first had to evacuate. Then, when I had young children, we had to evacuate again. Now, I have three grandchildren, but nothing has changed."

On 4 August 2008, the Philippine Supreme Court issued a temporary restraining order on the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD), a previously “initialled” document. In the succeeding days, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) fighters launched attacks against civilians in North Cotabato, Lanao del Norte and Saranggani provinces, and sporadic fighting between the security forces and the MILF followed. On 14 October the Supreme Court ruled that the MOA-AD was unconstitutional, leading to fears of further escalation of the conflict.

Both parties involved in the conflict - government forces and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front – have failed to protect civilians from harm. "They both must ensure that their fighters do not target civilians, nor steal or destroy their houses and food," said Donna Guest, Deputy Director of Amnesty International's Asia Pacific Programme. "Humanitarian organizations must be granted full access to the civilian population."

More face abuse and death as Colombia's government denies human rights situation

Tue, 28 Oct 2008 15:14:43 +0000

The Colombian government is in denial about the country's human rights situation, according to a new Amnesty International report.

Leave us in peace! Targeting civilians in Colombia's internal armed conflict says that despite increasing reports of forced internal displacement, attacks against social and human rights activists and killings by security forces, Colombian authorities are attempting to paint a positive picture.

The authorities even refuse to admit there's an armed conflict in their country. "It's impossible to solve a problem without admitting there is one," says Marcelo Pollack, Colombia researcher at Amnesty International. "Denial only condemns more people to abuse and death."

The most comprehensive up-to-date study on the state of human rights in Colombia, the report is the culmination of in situ research between 2006 and 2008. It recounts the stories of those individuals and communities hardest hit by the conflict, including members of afro-descendant, indigenous and campesino (rural small-scale farming) communities killed or displaced from their homes.

The report also documents the stories of victims of kidnappings; women and girls raped; children recruited by paramilitary and guerrilla groups or maimed by landmines; communities taking an active stand to defend their right not to be drawn into the conflict; and human rights defenders and trade unionists whose work in defence of human rights has cost them their lives.

At least 1,400 civilians were killed in 2007. This figure is up from 1,300 in 2006. Of the cases where the perpetrator is known, the security forces were responsible for at least 330 of these, the paramilitaries for around 300 and guerrillas for about 260.

As many as 305,000 Colombians were displaced in 2007, compared with 220,000 in 2006. At least 190 people were victims of either enforced disappearances by the security forces and paramilitaries or missing following abductions by guerrilla groups in 2007. This figure was up from around 180 in 2006.

The report shows that while some human rights indicators – such as kidnappings and the security situation in some cities – have improved in recent years, many others have deteriorated.

It also debunks statements repeated by the Colombian government, such as paramilitary groups no longer operate, human rights abusers are held to account and the work of social activists and trade unionists is being fully respected.

"For over 40 years, Colombians have been trapped in one of the worst, forgotten conflicts in the world, attacked by the security forces, paramilitaries and guerrilla groups, while the government fails to take any meaningful action to protect them," said Marcelo Pollack.

"To reverse Colombia's tragic reality the government and guerrilla groups must once and for all remove the civilian population from the conflict."

Colombia's internal armed conflict has pitted the security forces and paramilitaries against guerrilla groups since the mid-1960s. It has been marked by extraordinary levels of human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), with civilians by far the principal victims - tens of thousands have been killed, with thousands more subjected to enforced disappearance by the security forces, paramilitaries or guerrilla groups.

The effect of such abuses has been to create one of the world's greatest crises of displaced people; between 3 and 4 million Colombians are thought to have fled their homes to escape the violence. These crimes bear witness to the disregard shown by all parties to the conflict for international human rights and humanitarian law.

Amnesty International is calling on all parties to the Colombian conflict to demonstrate the political will to end human rights abuses. The organization also urges the international community to make greater efforts to ensure that both sides of the conflict respect the human rights of Colombians.